Catherine Marshall, the daughter of Francis E. Marshall (1847–1922), a mathematics master at Harrow School, was born on 29th April 1880 at Harrow-on-the-Hill. She was educated privately before attending St Leonards School (1896-99).
Catherine later recalled that: "Ever since I was old enough to think about politics at all I have been a Liberal." As a young woman she read the work of John Stuart Mill: "I was profoundly impressed by them." Her biographer, Jo Vellacott, has pointed out that she "left earlier than she might have chosen, although she was nineteen years old... her mother was still unwell and Catherine was needed at home."
Her parents were supporters of the Liberal Party and she became secretary of Women's Liberal Association in Harrow. In 1904 she became a member of the London Society for Women's Suffrage. However, it was another four years before she became an active supporter of women's rights. After the retirement of her father the family moved to Hawse End, on the edge of Derwentwater. Soon afterwards she became a Poor Law guardian.
In May 1908 Catherine and her mother joined the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) and established a branch in Keswick. Catherine reported: "A committee was formed, rules drawn up, and active propaganda work started at once. It was unanimously decided that our object should be votes for women on the same terms as for men, and that the Association should be a strictly non-party organization; we also pledged ourselves to peaceful and constitutional methods only. Our work was to consist of spreading the principles of Women's Suffrage by means of meetings, of Ietters to the press, of distributing literature on the subject.... The audience at these meetings averaged between 50 and 100 in numbers; in every instance a resolution in favour of votes for women on the same terms as for men was enthusiastically carried."
Catherine Marshall soon showed that she had all the necessary skills to become an excellent organiser. Elizabeth Crawford, the author of The Suffragette Movement (1999) has pointed out: "Catherine Marshall's initiative of setting up a stall in Keswick marketplace from which to sell suffrage literature was one that was soon emulated by other NUWSS societies. She was full of energy in campaigning across Westmoreland and Cumberland, organizing there a model campaign for the general election in January 1910."
Marshall pointed out that influencing the local media was vitally important: "It does mean a great deal of work... I have been doing it myself, though with nothing like thoroughness, in connection with twenty local papers, and it has made very great demands on my time. But the results have more than repaid the cost. Of these twenty papers not one is now hostile; not one ever misrepresents us (that alone is an immense gain); most of them give excellent - almost verbatim - reports of all our meetings, and several support us actively in their editorial columns.... Some of the editors needed educating, but one of our chief tasks is to educate public opinion, and the local papers have an important influence on public opinion in country districts. Educate their editors, and you are educating public opinion at its fountain-head. The difference which a favourable local press makes to the success of' our propaganda work is simply incalculable."
During the January 1910 General Election the NUWSS organised the signing petitions in 290 constituencies. They managed to obtain 280,000 signatures and this was presented to the House of Commons in March 1910. With the support of 36 MPs a new suffrage bill was discussed in Parliament. The WSPU suspended all militant activities and on 23rd July they joined forces with the NUWSS to hold a grand rally in London. When the House of Commons refused to pass the new suffrage bill, the WSPU broke its truce on what became known as Black Friday on 18th November, 1910, when its members clashed with the police in Parliament Square.
Although the NUWSS campaign had ended in failure, the extra publicity it had received, increased membership from 13,429 in 1909 to 21,571 to 1910. It now had 207 societies and its income had reached £14,000. It was decided to restructure the NUWSS into federations. By 1911 the NUWSS now had 16 federations and 26,000 members. The NUWSS now had enough funds to appoint Catherine Marshall and Kathleen Courtney to full-time posts at national headquarters. They joined Helena Swanwick and Maude Royden as the group that represented the new generation in the NUWSS.
According to her biographer, Jo Vellacott: "Tall, well dressed, well informed, and dynamic, Marshall could hold the attention of an outdoor audience of miners, and was also a familiar figure to members of parliament, as she pressed the converted for action, cultivated sympathizers, and shamed backsliders." In June 1911 she attended the International Women's Suffrage Alliance meetings in Stockholm.
Herbert Asquith and his Liberal Party government still refused to support legislation. At its annual party conference in January 1912, the Labour Party passed a resolution committing itself to supporting women's suffrage. This was reflected in the fact that all Labour MPs voted for the measure at a debate in the House of Commons on 28th March. Soon afterwards Henry N. Brailsford and Kathleen Courtney, entered negotiations with the Labour Party as representatives of NUWSS.
In April 1912, the NUWSS announced that it intended to support Labour Party candidates in parliamentary by-elections. The NUWSS established an Election Fighting Fund (EFF) to support these Labour candidates. The EFF Committee, which administered the fund, included Catherine Marshall, Margaret Ashton, Henry N. Brailsford, Kathleen Courtney, Muriel de la Warr, Millicent Fawcett, Isabella Ford, Laurence Housman, Margory Lees and Ethel Annakin Snowden. The NUWSS also employed organizers such as Ada Nield Chew and Selina Cooper, who were active members of the Labour Party.
Catherine played an important role in trying to persuade senior figures in the Liberal Party to favour legislation on women's suffrage. She told John Simon: "I left school I started working for the Liberal Party almost as hard as I am working for women's suffrage now. It has been the greatest disillusionment of my life to find how little these principles really count with the majority of Liberal men. They seem to regard them as catchwords to pad a leaflet or adorn a peroration, not as vital principles to be applied in their dealings with other human beings." Catherine also contacted David Lloyd George: "I often wish you were an unenfranchised woman instead of being Chancellor of the Exchequer! With what fire you would lead the women's movement, and insist that no legislation was more important than the right of those whom it concerned to have a say in it."
In July 1914 the NUWSS argued that Asquith's government should do everything possible to avoid a European war. Two days after the British government declared war on Germany on 4th August 1914, Millicent Fawcett declared that it was suspending all political activity until the conflict was over. Although the NUWSS supported the war effort, it did not follow the WSPU strategy of becoming involved in persuading young men to join the armed forces.
Despite pressure from members of the NUWSS, Fawcett refused to argue against the First World War. Her biographer, Ray Strachey, argued: "She stood like a rock in their path, opposing herself with all the great weight of her personal popularity and prestige to their use of the machinery and name of the union." At a Council meeting of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies held in February 1915, Fawcett attacked the peace efforts of people like Mary Sheepshanks. Fawcett argued that until the German armies had been driven out of France and Belgium: "I believe it is akin to treason to talk of peace."
After a stormy executive meeting in Buxton all the officers of the NUWSS (except the Treasurer) and ten members of the National Executive resigned over the decision not to support the Women's Peace Congress at the Hague. This included Catherine Marshall, Chrystal Macmillan, Kathleen Courtney, Margaret Ashton, Eleanor Rathbone and Maude Royden, the editor of the The Common Cause.
Kathleen Courtney wrote when she resigned: "I feel strongly that the most important thing at the present moment is to work, if possible on international lines for the right sort of peace settlement after the war. If I could have done this through the National Union, I need hardly say how infinitely I would have preferred it and for the sake of doing so I would gladly have sacrificed a good deal. But the Council made it quite clear that they did not wish the union to work in that way."
In April 1915, Aletta Jacobs, a suffragist in Holland, invited suffrage members all over the world to an International Congress of Women in the Hague. Some of the women who attended included Mary Sheepshanks, Jane Addams, Alice Hamilton, Grace Abbott, Emily Bach, Lida Gustava Heymann, Emmeline Pethick-Lawrence, Kathleen Courtney, Emily Hobhouse, Chrystal Macmillan, Rosika Schwimmer. At the conference the women formed the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WIL). Although the government blocked Marshall and other British women from travelling to the Hague, she immediately joined this organisation.
Soon after the outbreak of the First World War, two pacifists, Clifford Allen and Fenner Brockway, formed the No-Conscription Fellowship (NCF), an organisation that encouraged men to refuse war service. The NCF required its members to "refuse from conscientious motives to bear arms because they consider human life to be sacred." As Martin Ceadel, the author of Pacifism in Britain 1914-1945 (1980) has pointed out: "Though limiting itself to campaigning against conscription, the N.C.F.'s basis was explicitly pacifist rather than merely voluntarist.... In particular, it proved an efficient information and welfare service for all objectors; although its unresolved internal division over whether its function was to ensure respect for the pacifist conscience or to combat conscription by any means"
The NCF received support from public figures such as Catherine Marshall, Bertrand Russell, Philip Snowden, Bruce Glasier, Robert Smillie, C. H. Norman, C. E. M. Joad, William Mellor, Arthur Ponsonby, Guy Aldred, Alfred Salter, Duncan Grant, Wilfred Wellock, Herbert Morrison, Maude Royden, and Rev. John Clifford. Other members included Cyril Joad, Eva Gore-Booth, Esther Roper, Alfred Mason, Winnie Mason, Alice Wheeldon, William Wheeldon, John S. Clarke, Arthur McManus, Hettie Wheeldon, Storm Jameson, Ada Salter, Duncan Grant and Max Plowman.
Catherine Marshall fell in love with Clifford Allen, the chairman of the No-Conscription Fellowship, who was imprisoned in 1916. According to Jo Vellacott "Marshall suffered deeply when he was imprisoned; he was physically frail, and his health deteriorated rapidly in prison. By mid-1917, Catherine Marshall was compulsively driving herself towards breakdown, and Allen's health was further threatened by his intention of embarking on a hunger and work strike in prison. By the end of the year, Marshall had collapsed and Allen was released seriously ill. When both were convalescent they spent several months together in what seems to have been a trial marriage; Marshall was devastated when the relationship ended."
During the early years of the League of Nations, Marshall was often in Geneva, at the headquarters of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. In the 1930s she was involved in helping refugees escaping from Nazi Germany. Catherine Marshall remained active in the Labour Party.
Catherine Marshall died in the New End Hospital, Hampstead, on 22nd March 1961 after a fall at her home.
Catherine was sent to St Leonards School, at St Andrews in Scotland, a top-ranking, progressive girls' boarding school. She arrived for her first term with an extremely heavy cold and a bad cough, and "deeply scored... on the brow" by some kind of pin worn by a cousin she had affectionately embraced when saying goodbye. Shortly afterwards she injured her foot and developed measles. No wonder she dreamt of home every night during her first weeks away. It was probably this series of misfortunes which prompted one of her friends to write that she thought Catherine "must have a very original character" and to ask when she meant "to finish her eccentricities (sic)".
The warmth and closeness of the Marshall family emerge clearly from letters to Catherine at St Leonards. Aunt Florence Colbeck wrote about how she would be missed in the Harrow school, and sent her a fruit knife "as you are such a vegetarian"; her brother wrote with obvious admiration from his preparatory school and sent her word puzzles; a number of cousins kept in touch. Her father and mother wrote regularly, although term time was busy for them too, and although they sometimes had to admonish her to write, even if it were only a postcard. Her father painted a pathetic word picture of the effect of her casualness about writing: "Two pitiful parents sit like two young sparrows on the gravel waiting for the dutiful daughter to put a fly in their mouth ... and she does not do it!" On another occasion Frank sent a telegram when no letter came, explaining, in a following letter, "that Mother, and I in a less degree, get anxious when we don't hear from you. And it matters very much that Mother should not worry herself over anything just now." Frank showed considerable concern over Caroline's health during these years.
Our Association came into being on May 18th, when a few ladies known to be in favour of Women's Suffrage met at Hawse End, by invitation of Mrs. Frank Marshall, and decided to form a branch of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies in Keswick. A committee was formed, rules drawn up, and active propaganda work started at once. Our work was to consist of spreading the principles of Women's Suffrage by means of meetings, of Ietters to the press, of distributing literature on the subject, and of "promoting intelligent interest and a sense of responsibility among women with regard to political questions". In furtherance of this policy meetings have been held at Braithwaite, Portinscale, Grange, Stair, Bassenthwaite and Brigham. Miss R. Spedding, Miss M. Broatch and Miss C. Marshall volunteered to hold a series of outdoor meetings in the neighbouring villages, and they were fortunate in enlisting the help of various suffragists who were staying in the districts. The audience at these meetings averaged between 50 and 100 in numbers; in every instance a resolution in favour of votes for women on the same terms as for men was enthusiastically carried. Questions and objections are always asked for, and the discussion raised has always been conducted seriously and in a friendly spirit.
It does mean a great deal of work... Of these twenty papers not one is now hostile; not one ever misrepresents us (that alone is an immense gain); most of them give excellent - almost verbatim - reports of all our meetings, and several support us actively in their editorial columns, and reprint Women's Suffrage articles of their own accord from the "Manchester Guardian" and other sources. The difference which a favourable local press makes to the success of' our propaganda work is simply incalculable.
You quote St. Paul and the marriage service in support of your opposition to women's suffrage. May I remind you that St. Paul, who told wives to be in subjection to their husbands, also told slaves to obey their masters? Would you have opposed the anti-slavery agitation on that account? Some people did at the time. If you turn to a higher authority than St. Paul you will not find this doctrine of the subjection of women in His teaching...
You refer to the wife's promise in the marriage service to obey her husband. The husband also makes a promise. He says, "With all my worldly goods I thee endow." Until all men do this I think the less they base their arguments on the marriage service the better. Before the passing of the Married Women's Property Acts it would have been a truer statement of the case if the man had said: "With all thy worldly goods I me endow."
I quite agree with most of what you say about the "law of grace" and the "law of force," but I think it is very desirable that men (who at present have all the "force" on their side) should show a little more "grace" to women in this question of the suffrage. Instead of saying "thou shalt not" have any voice in these matters we want them to say "thou shalt" have every possible opportunity for using the special gifts God has given to women for the benefit of humanity, and not be restricted by man-made laws to employing them in certain directions only.
I am sorry to put too low an interpretation on your view of women's influence. You say this influence consists in "faith, hope, and charity," and "it is by virtue of her superior capacity for this grace that woman... is fitted to be the better half of man." Could we not well do with a little more faith, hope, and charity (especially charity) in our politics, and is it not a pity to leave this important field of human activity entirely in the hands of the "worse half" of mankind?
I take your own estimate for the sake of argument. I do not myself think there can be any question of better or worse as between men and women. The world has equal need of both. As Mrs. Fawcett once said, "You might as well ask which was the better half of a pair of scissors"!
You say that, "speaking generally, there is no woman who has no man to represent her." Who represents the three quarter-million widows whom the Conciliation Bill would enfranchise, or the other quarter-million women who are "heads of households which have no male representative?" Take the case of a father with three unmarried daughters, all earning their own living in industries affected by legislation, all of them with strong political opinions, one Liberal, one Conservative, and one a Socialist. How is the father to represent his three daughters by his one vote? You will probably say that the daughters ought not to have opinions, but if you educate people you cannot prevent them from having opinions, and men have passed a Compulsory Education Act which applies to girls as well as boys.
You mistake me if you think I do not give men credit for good intentions when legislating for women... But good intentions are not enough. Knowledge and experience are needed besides, and with the best will in the world men cannot have the same knowledge and experience of women's needs that women have, for the simple reason, so often used as an anti suffrage argument, that "Men are men, and women are women." The best men are urging the women to press their claim for enfranchisement, because they say the women's vote will strengthen their hands to obtain many urgently-needed reforms. This is not a question of women against men, but of men and women working together for the best interests of the race as a whole.
(1) When deciding whom to support in an electoral contest to take account not only of individual opinions of candidates, but also of the position of their respective parties on Women's Suffrage.
(2) To support individual Labour Candidates especially in constituencies now represented by Liberals whose record on suffrage is unsatisfactory. The candidates will be Labour party candidates, not National Union candidates. The National Union will in no case oppose either Liberal or Conservative who has proved himself a trustworthy friend of Women's enfranchisement.
(3) A fund was opened for the effective carrying out of this policy, and more than £1,000 was subscribed by the council in a few minutes. A Committee has since been formed by the National Union Executive, whose duty it will be to augment and control this fund. The Executive Committee will invite Suffragists to serve on this Committee who need not necessarily be members of the National Union.
The Pilgrimage proper began on Wednesday, June 18th, at 10 a.m., when a good procession left the Market Cross with banners in front and a baggage cart, covered with red, white and green, bringing up the rear. A fine contingent from Keswick, including Lady Rochdale, Mrs. Frank Marshall, Mrs. John Marshall, .... (and others) had come to Carlisle for the start, bringing the Keswick banner with them. Lord Rochdale's car and Mrs. Marshall's pony-cart, bravely decorated with flags, also started from Carlisle and accompanied the pilgrims throughout the whole Federation, being of' unspeakable help and value and enabling us to work a much larger area than would otherwise have been possible in the time.
It would be difficult to give an accurate account of numbers, as pilgrims by the dozen have joined us in the towns and villages as we went through. Some of these have been able to do only a short stage, others have gone forward for much longer periods.
I left school I started working for the Liberal Party almost as hard as I am working for women's suffrage now. They seem to regard them as catchwords to pad a leaflet or adorn a peroration, not as vital principles to be applied in their dealings with other human beings... So long as you feel that the Prime Minister's attitude makes it impossible for you to bring any pressure to bear on your party from within... a great deal of our work fails to bear all the fruit it might, so far as the Liberal party is concerned.
When you are working night and day for a cause, giving up all the things you care about most in life for the sake of it (as hundreds of women are doing for women's suffrage today), it is disappointing when those who alone have the power to make your work bear fruit in an Act of Parliament say, in effect: "Yes, you are good little girls; we quite approve of the way in which you are working and the object you are working for, and our advice to you is to go on pegging away. Don't get tired, and don't get cross. Some day, when we have settled all our own business, we will bring in a Bill to give you what you want - only of course we can't do anything so long as some of you are naughty and throw stones." When we know that it is just that attitude which makes the naughty ones throw stones we feel that you are asking us to work in a vicious circle.
I often wish you were an unenfranchised woman instead of being Chancellor of the Exchequer! With what fire you would lead the women's movement, and insist that no legislation was more important than the right of those whom it concerned to have a say in it.
CATHERINE MARSHALL - TYPED LETTER SIGNED 01/04/1962 - HFSID 321268
She writes apologetically for responding so late, signed with her new surname.
Typed letter signed: "Catherine Le Sourd", in black ink. 1p. 7¼x10½. Chappaqua, New York, January 4th, 1962. To "Dear Miss Burkett," Patricia Burkett of "GirlHaven" Inc. In full: "Thank you for your letter of December 22nd. I am so sorry that you did not receive a reply to the earlier letter you mention, but we have no recollection of receiving it here. I am enclosing the biographical sketch, the photo and the autograph that you requested and wish you great success with your project [items not included]. My warm good wishes for a wonderful 1963. Sincerely." Catherine Marshall Le Sourd (1914-1983) gained fame from her 1951 bestseller, A Man Called Peter, the biography of her first husband, the internationally famous minister Peter Marshall. Her second most famous work, Christy, was published in 1967. The daughter of a reverend and school teacher, Marshall was educated at Agnes Scott College where she met Minister Peter Marshall. They lived in Washington D.C. where Minister Marshall served as the pastor of the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church and Chaplain of the United States Senate until his untimely death in 1949. Catherine remarried Leonard LeSourd, editor of Guideposts Magazine, in 1959. Wed for 28 years, they founded together the book imprint "Chosen Books." Normal mailing folds. Small nick in lower edge of the left margin. Otherwise, fine condition.
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Tracing Universalist Thought Through Church History
Just as our forefathers suffered and died martyr's deaths for truths that we take for granted today and that are universally accepted across Christendom, so today cries of heresy continue to arise against truths that we believe future generations of the church will hold to be evident. But so is the pattern of the ongoing Christian reformation!
A criticism that has sometimes been levied against Christian universalism is that it has never been accepted as a biblical doctrine by the majority of the church. While we think that the true measure of a doctrine should be Scripture itself, and not necessarily the majority, we nevertheless recognize the importance of apostles, prophets, pastors, teachers and evangelists who have been given to the church at large by the Lord Himself. There is much to learn from studying the lives and doctrines of those who have gone before us—and what may be surprising to some, is that there actually have been many respected leaders throughout the history of the church who have grappled with or embraced this idea. Indeed, every true Christian has struggled at some point with the idea of eternal torment for non-believers. However, because Scripture apparently teaches it emphatically and because the majority leadership have declared that ultimate reconciliation is heresy (and some go so far as to say that it is heresy even to study the idea), a typical believer is left with no option but to continue believing in eternal torment.
We hope that this page will help to change that. While we have much information on Tentmaker, proving from the original languages of the Bible that Christian Universalism is a solid biblical and historical doctrine, we hope this page will also be helpful for the person who needs to see others who have also studied or embraced this doctrine. We use the term "Christian Universalism in the article, but this glorious teaching is as old as the first book of the Bible and has been preached under many different names, just to mention a few: Universalism, Larger Hope, Greater Faith, No-Hellers, Ultimate Reconciliation, Universal Salvation, Universal Restitution, Universal Restoration, Doctrine of Inclusion, Glorious Gospel and more. I personally (Gary Amirault, founder of Tentmaker Ministries) have been calling in "The Victorious Gospel of Jesus Christ." I like the ring of that phrase. It is victory centered, Gospel centered and Christ centered. It is positive and bold. I am hoping more people in this message begin to use this term to describe Christ's victorious plan to save all mankind.
Please note that while not every person listed on this page would necessarily call themselves a universalist, all of these are people who grappled with the issue of salvation, redemption, Hell, and the fate of the unsaved. While some leaders merely expressed hope for the possibility of an ultimate reconciliation, or were sympathetic to the idea, others confidently asserted its truth, proving it from Scripture.
We include them on this page, in the hopes that some who have been afraid to study the subject of universal redemption for fear of heresy, will see that many of the great minds of the church have at least been open to the idea--while others have been strongly supportive of the doctrine.
May the boldness of thought represented on these pages encourage others to also think boldly, largely—and scripturally—of our God. Surely there is a great reformation on the horizon of the Christian church, and the doctrine of the restitution of all things is certainly a part of it!
May God bless and open the eyes and ears of all who read these pages.
Please note: This page is a work in progress and will be expanded considerably. The biographies are not extensive--rather they are mere brief introductions to these lives. There are many more names that need to be added, including many contemporary Christians. We will contine adding to and expanding this list in the days ahead. For a longer (but much less detailed) list of names, please click here.
These pages are being edited and compiled by Mercy Aiken, Gary Amiraul and others. If you have researched or studied any of these people, and you would like to share your writings and findings with us for use on this page, please contact me
For a longer list of writers, pastors, Bible scholars, humanitarians, statespeople who embraced the message of universalism, also known as Universal Salvation, Ultimate Reconciliation, Universal Restoration, The Larger Hope, The Greater Faith, apokatastatis, the Restoration of All Things, Doctrine of Inclusion, etc. see:
Baskets, Poems and Naturalist…Bill
If you haven’t met Bill Alexander yet at Christy Fest, our resident nature lover/basket maker, you’re in for a treat! Not only is he the Grand Master of bark baskets, he is also a poet, philosopher and a protector of the Great Smoky Mountains…and I might add, an actor! He pitched in to help in an episode of Christy as an extra…the beard and overalls made him fit right in.
He wrote a poem for the Christy folks a while back. Of it he says:
I got the idea for this on a trail (A specific trail) while hiking and there was trash and I began to pick it up. I found an old umbrella cover that had been blown off its frame and made a bag out of it to hold the trash as my pockets were full. I got to thinking about the old saying… “take only memories or pictures and leave our footprints.” There was talk at supper two nights before I wrote this about ghosts and I got to thinking about how like on the beach, footprints in the sand disappear and “A Ghostly Track.” is the result. The Great Smoky Mountains are a special place in our great land and I have a special place in the Christy story. I believe that Christy would have wanted the mountains to be protected.
A Ghostly Track ©
A Trail Somewhere
August 11, 2009
Pack it in.
Pack it out.
That’s the way
On a proper walkabout.
If you can’t,
Then–don’t pack it in.
Otherwise, we’ll know
Where you’ve been.
So on the way in,
And on the way back
May you only leave
A ghostly track.
Catherine Marshall - History
Obit: Marshall, Catherine (1869 - 1939)
Contact: Crystal Wendt
Email: [email protected]
Surnames: Marshall, Longenecker, Dirks, Jaster, Webb, Garman, Paulus, Peasley, Conrad, Kunes, Thorpe, Stevens, Langston, Bosshard, Powell
----Sources: Clark County Press (Neillsville, Clark County, Wis.) Thurs., 6 Oct. 1939
Marshall, Catherine (27 April 1869 - 28 Sept. 1939)
Mrs. Catherine (Conrad) Marshall passed away at her home in Neillsville at 1:50 a.m. September 28, at the age of 70 years, six months and one day, after an illness of 18 months with cancer.
Funeral services were held Sunday noon at the Jaster Funeral home, Neillsville, and at 2:30 at North Bend Church, North Bend, Rev. G. W. Longenecker, Neillsville and Rev. Dirks, North Bend, conducting the rites. Interment took place at the Evergreen Cemetery. Mrs. Arthur Jaster rendered the song service at the rites here and Frank Webb, Dr. F. M. Garman, Blucher Paulus and Thomas Peasley acted as pallbearers. Six nephews performed these services at North Bend.
Mrs. Marshall was born in Trempealeau County, Wisconsin, April 27, 1869, to Jacob and Wilhelmina Conrad. She was married to O. B. Marshall at the Conrad home in Trempealeau county May 8, 1890. Five children were born to them, three of whom survive to comfort the father. They are: Harold Marshall, North Bend Claire Marshall, Durand and Meta, Mrs. Harley Kunes, Black River Falls, Wisconsin. Mrs. Marshall is also survived by one sister, Mrs. Gusta Thorpe, Sandpoint, Idaho.
Mr. and Mrs. Marshall lived on a farm for many years and for a time made their home at Melrose, Wis. In May, 1935, they came to Neillsville where Mr. Marshall operated the Webb Oil station up to the time when his wife&rsquos illness required him to remain constantly in the home.
Mrs. Marshall was a member of the Presbyterian Church at North Bend for 41 years and attended services faithfully after coming to Neillsville even though her own denomination is no longer listed among Neillsville churches. She was also a member of the Rebekah lodge.
Out-of-town persons attending the funeral services were: Mr. and Mrs. Lloyd Stevens, Dr. and Mrs. Harry Marshall, Sam Langston, Mr. and Mrs. Ed. Stevens of La Crosse Francis Conrad of Withee Mrs. Effie Bosshard of Bangor Mr. and Mrs. Thos. Powell of Sparta.
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Cherokees in AlabamaSequoyah Alabama became part of the Cherokee homeland only in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Nevertheless, this population of Native Americans significantly contributed to the shaping of the state's history. Their presence in Alabama resulted from a declaration of war against encroaching white settlers during the American Revolution era. A few decades later, the Cherokees served as valuable allies of the United States during the Creek War of 1813-14. Although the Cherokees fought alongside the United States under Gen. Andrew Jackson, he later campaigned for their removal from the Southeast. Land hunger among whites led to the Indian Removal Act of 1830, which in 1838 resulted in the forced removal of the Cherokees to Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River. Three Cherokee Chiefs, 1762 During the war, the Chickamauga, a pro-British faction of Cherokees, split from the Upper Towns on the Little Tennessee and Hiwassee Rivers in east Tennessee. Led by war chief Dragging Canoe and supported by British agents and sympathetic traders, the Chickamauga left to establish towns farther down the Tennessee River. Two of these, Long Island Town and Crow Town, were located on the river near present-day Bridgeport, Jackson County. Nickajack and Running Water were just upriver near South Pittsburg, Tennessee, not far from Lookout Mountain Town in the extreme northwest corner of Georgia. From these Five Lower Towns, the Chickamauga launched raids on American backcountry settlements from middle Tennessee to southwestern Virginia. In 1792, Dragging Canoe died and his nephew John Watts became the leading war chief. Two years later, Tennessee militia leader James Ore launched a military expedition to punish the Chickamauga for their raids. The assault was devastating and resulted in the Cherokees suing for peace with the United States. Benjamin Hawkins and the Creek Indians By 1800 many Cherokees lived on dispersed farmsteads in northeast Alabama. They established communities at Turkey Town, Wills Town, Sauta, Brooms Town, and Creek Path at Gunter's Landing, all of which provided leadership within the Cherokee Nation. Several of the towns served as sites of tribal councils. With the encouragement of the U.S. government, Christian missionaries established schools at Creek Path (1820) and Wills Town (1823). As part of the U.S. plan of civilization (formalized with regard to the Cherokees by the 1791 Treaty of Holston), the federally appointed agent to the Cherokees provided looms, spinning wheels, and plows to encourage Cherokee women to take up domestic arts and Cherokee men to give up hunting for farming and herding. In 1806, as hunting declined among the Cherokees, the U.S. sought and won a land cession, significantly shrinking Cherokee land in Alabama by 1,602 square miles. Battle of Tallushatchee When war broke out in 1813, the Cherokees refused to join the faction of Creeks known as the Red Sticks, who were hostile to the United States. Instead, they fought alongside the Tennessee and U.S. troops under Andrew Jackson. Together they raided Creek villages along the Black Warrior River and fought in the November 1813 Battles of Tallushatchee and Talladega, from which they emerged victorious. Cherokee warriors played a major role in the attack on the Creeks of the Hillabee towns, who were members of the Red Stick faction. Following orders issued by Gen. John Cocke, the attacking party was unaware that the Hillabee had recently surrendered to Jackson. This one-sided assault became known as the Hillabee Massacre. Cherokee Lands in Alabama After the war, the U.S. government negotiated the Treaties of 1817 and 1819, which called for more Cherokee land cessions. Up to this time, the Chickasaw-Cherokee and the Cherokee-Creek boundary lines were not officially established. The United States paid the Chickasaws and the Cherokees, both allies during the late war, for lands north and south of the Tennessee River, as well as west of the Coosa River. Some Cherokees refused to leave their farms on ceded land and took advantage of a clause to claim private reserves. Most left their farms to relocate onto the shrinking tribal lands. Several hundred chose to journey across the Mississippi River to join the Old Settler Cherokees, a group that had emigrated prior to 1820. John Ross Perhaps some of the best-known Cherokees from present-day Alabama were the Ross brothers, both Cherokee-Scots from Turkey Town and Wills Town. Andrew served as a Cherokee Supreme Court justice, and John became principal chief in 1827, a critical time in Cherokee history. In 1830, the federal government approved the Indian Removal Act, which required most eastern tribes to relinquish their lands and remove west to Indian Territory, now the state of Oklahoma. John Ross led the Cherokee Nation's struggle to stay, taking the battle for sovereignty to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1832. Though the court ruled for the Cherokees, then-Pres. Andrew Jackson refused to enforce the decision and the forced removal of the Cherokees began in September 1838.
Trail of Tears Commemorative Motorcycle Ride The Cherokee presence is still very much a part of Alabama culture. Many citizens claim Cherokee ancestry, insisting that their forbearers escaped or hid to avoid removal. Annual events that honor Cherokee history include the Trail of Tears Commemorative Motorcycle Ride, which begins in Chattanooga, Tennessee, and ends in Waterloo, Lauderdale County, and the Cherokee River Homecoming Festival held in Moulton, Lawrence County, as well as locally sponsored pow-wows. The Alabama Indian Affairs Commission works with four Cherokee state-recognized groups, the Echota Cherokee Tribe of Alabama, the United Cherokee Ani-Yun-Wiya Nation, the Cherokee Tribe of Northeast Alabama, and the Cher-O-Creek Intratribal Indians, Inc. The federal government recognizes only three Cherokee groups: the Cherokee Nation, the United Keetoowah Band of Cherokee Indians, and the Eastern Band of Cherokee Nation, none of which are located in Alabama.
Bunn, Mike. Fourteenth Colony: The Forgotten Story of the Gulf South During America's Revolutionary Era. Montgomery: NewSouth Books, 2020.
Catherine Marshall - History
Palgrave is publishing a new book on the concept of political deference in British politics from the 18 th century to the present day.
This book explores the concept of deference as used by historians and political scientists. Often confused and judged to be outdated, it shows how deference remains central to understanding British politics to the present day. This study aims to make sense of how political deference has functioned in different periods and how it has played a crucial role in legitimising British politics. It shows how deference sustained what are essentially English institutions, those which dominated the Union well into the second half of the twentieth century until the post-1997 constitutional transformations under New Labour. While many dismiss political and institutional deference as having died out, this book argues that a number of recent political decisions – including the vote in favour of Brexit in June 2016 – are the result of a deferential way of thinking that has persisted through the democratic changes of the twentieth century. Combining close readings of theoretical texts with analyses of specific legal changes and historical events, the book charts the development of deference from the eighteenth century through to the present day. Rather than offering a comprehensive history of deference, it picks out key moments that show the changing nature of deference, both as a concept and as a political force.
Catherine Marshall is Professor of British Studies at CY Cergy Paris Université, France. Her research focuses mainly on the history of ideas in mid-Victorian England and the legacy of some of those ideas on twentieth and twenty-first century Britain. She teaches British history and the history of political ideas.
KAREN PARTRIDGE is the Administrative Secretary for the History department. With a lifelong career in customer service, she is excited to meet the students involved with the history department. From first semester freshmen to second year grads, Karen is always happy to help in any way possible. Her office is in Harris Hall 116, and anyone is invited to stop by for a chat, help or directions. Her door is open!
Marshall Digital Scholar
Several aspects of the life history, with emphasis on age and growth, of the black bullhead Ictalurus melas from an oxbow pond of Twelvepole Creek, Wayne County, West Virginia were studied. These ictalurids were aged by counting annular rings of pectoral spine cross-sections and vertebra centra. Annular radii of spines and vertebrae were determined with a traveling microscope. Statistical comparisons (95% confidence level) of the two methods of aging indicated no significant differences occurred. Linear relationships were expressed between spine and vertebral radii with total length. Radial measurements correlated highly with total length and with age High variability was seen in ranges of lengths and annular radii among different age classes. Backcalculated growth shows the highest growth to occur in the first age class. A gradual decline in incremental growth with age occurs to age class IV, then an increase in the amount of growth for age classes v VI, and VII is seen. Stunted growth, probably due to overcrowding, is exhibited by this population of black bullheads.
Female and male black bullheads exhibited no significant differences in condition factors, however, the K values generally were slightly higher for the females. Condition factors of the oxbow black bullheads were considerably lower in comparison to other studies. The highest K values occurred in spring, summer, and in age classes III and IV.
The oxbow bullhead was found to be primarily a planktivore through out its life history in all seasons. Dipteran larvae were a second choice of food, probably due to availability. The black bullhead does very little feeding in the winter. No predation on the bullhead was observed in this study.
Spawning was estimated to occur around the first part of June in water temperatures of 20-22 c. Schooling young-of-the-year were collected June 20, 1980. Thefemale-male ratio of the oxbow bullhead was 1:1.
The leech Myzobdella lugubris was found attached to the fins of several black bullheads. This is the first report of this ectoparasite occurring in West Virginia.
Historian Catherine Armstrong
Please select this link for details about Ms. Armstrong's biography of William Marshal
Right: Tomb effigy of William Marshal at Temple Church, London.
The Castles of Wales is pleased to welcome Catherine Armstrong as a contributor to the site. Ms Armstrong has Master's degree in Professional Writing from Kennesaw State University in Atlanta, Georgia . Her field is medieval English history. Her specific field is William Marshal, his fiefs and "familiares". Her concentration is on the lands and people bound to Marshal by blood and marriage, by feudal tenure, and by "affinity". She can be reached via e-mail at: [email protected]
Ms Armstrong's essays listed below form a complementary 4-part series focusing on the life and times of William Marshal and his father-in-law Richard fitz Gilbert de Clare two of the most powerful and influential men of their time. Each essay is accompanied by an extensive and valuable bibliography. The Marshals and Ireland
A Case of Mistaken Identity
Tournaments and William Marshal
Legend of Tintern Abbey
A Serendipitous Discovery at Tintern Abbey
John fitz Gilbert (Marshal's father)
Richard fitz Gilbert de Clare, Strongbow (Marshal's father-in-law)
The parents of Isabel de Clare (Marshal's wife)
The Children of William Marshal and Isabel de Clare Please select this link for details on Catherine's biography of William Marshal.
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